India stands at a critical juncture in modernising its air force, and U.S. President Donald Trump believes that an advanced American fighter jet the right solution? During his recent visit to Washington, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with Trump, who declared they were “paving the way” for India to acquire the F-35, something typically reserved for close allies and strategic partners.
In the 1960s, as India faced rising threats from both Pakistan and China, a quiet but crucial friendship was taking shape. The Soviet Union, eager to establish a stronghold in South Asia during the Cold War, offered India what the West hesitated to. It came with cutting-edge weapons with no political strings attached. It was the start of a defence relationship that would span decades, surviving geopolitical shifts, economic crises, and even the fall of the USSR.
Now, as India’s defence modernisation reaches a crossroads, Russia is making yet another determined push to remain New Delhi’s top military partner. With Western defence giants aggressively courting India, Russia is not just offering state-of-the-art weaponry but deeper strategic collaborations. At stake is not just who supplies India’s next-generation fighter jets, tanks, and infantry vehicles, but also the future of India’s military-industrial complex, its global alliances, and its long-cherished strategic autonomy.
With its fighter squadrons shrinking and China’s military expanding, India faces a pivotal decision. It’s dilemma is whether to invest in the cutting-edge yet expensive F-35 from the US or deepen defence ties with Russia by locally producing its most advanced stealth fighter, the Sukhoi Su-57. The answer will clear in the coming time but whatever decision India makes, it won’t be for lack of trying by potential pursuers.
Financial Express reported that Russia’s top arms exporter, Rosoboronexport, has proposed a collaboration with India to develop and manufacture advanced military equipment, on March 4. The offer includes joint efforts to design next-generation armoured vehicles and a new light tank. These will be customised for the Indian Army and based on Russian models. This partnership aims to deepen technological and industrial ties between the two nations while addressing India’s evolving strategic defence requirements.
Russia’s Latest Defence Proposals: More Than Just a Buyer-Seller Relationship
Russia’s attempts to reinforce its defence ties with India go beyond mere arms sales. The focus is on co-development, technology transfer, and strengthening India’s defence production capacity. These are the areas where India’s Western partners have historically fallen short.
1. The Su-57 Stealth Fighter: A Renewed Offer
For years, India debated entering the Russian-led Fifth-Generation Fighter Aircraft (FGFA) programme, based on the Su-57 Felon, Moscow’s most advanced stealth fighter. India pulled out in 2018, citing concerns over stealth performance and cost overruns. Russia has once again invited India to participate in an upgraded version of the project, offering greater co-development rights.
The proposal comes as India assesses its need for a next-gen fighter. There have been delays in its homegrown Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA). The high costs of acquiring the American F-35 Lightning II are not a secret concern either.
2. T-90MS and a New Light Tank for India’s Northern Borders
The Indian Army has long relied on Russian tanks. The T-90 Bhishma forms the backbone of its armoured corps. Russia is now pitching the T-90MS, a heavily upgraded variant, featuring advanced reactive armour and drone-countermeasures.
Additionally, Russia has proposed co-developing a new light tank tailored for India’s high-altitude warfare needs. This will be in a response to China’s deployment of Type 15 tanks in Ladakh. This project aims to use Indian-made components, reducing dependency on imports.
3. Artillery and Ammunition: A Strategic Offer for Self-Reliance
With India focusing on ammunition self-sufficiency, Rosoboronexport has offered to set up joint production of guided artillery shells and rockets for multiple launch systems. It is to ensure a steady supply of high-grade munitions. Given Russia’s extensive experience in real-world combat environments, this collaboration could provide India with battle-tested systems adaptable to its needs.
Who Else is Wooing India?
Russia is not alone in trying to secure India’s defence contracts. The global arms market sees France, the U.S., Israel, and the UK aggressively competing for a share of what is projected to be a $100 billion Indian military modernisation programme over the next decade.
1. The U.S.: The Temptation of the F-35 and Stryker Vehicles
During his Washington visit last year, Modi and erstwhile President Joe Biden announced stronger U.S.-India defence ties. It sparked speculation about the possibility of India acquiring F-35s. The possibilities were fanned further by Trump too.
While the offer remains unofficial, the U.S. has accelerated technology-sharing agreements. These agreements include the General Electric-GTRE deal for F-414 jet engines, critical for India’s Tejas Mark 2 and AMCA programmes.
The Indian Army is considering co-producing General Dynamics’ Stryker Infantry Combat Vehicles, which recently underwent trials in Ladakh.
2. France: The Rafale-M and Naval Collaboration
Following the success of the Rafale deal, France has emerged as a leading contender for India’s future fighter jet needs. Dassault Aviation has pitched the Rafale-M for the Indian Navy’s aircraft carriers. This is alongside a potential new contract for additional Rafale jets for the Air Force.
France’s advantage lies in its willingness to transfer technology, a key factor that made the Rafale deal successful.
3. Israel and the UK: Niche Players in the Game
While not direct competitors in the fighter jet race, Israel and the UK have offered India advanced electronic warfare, missile defence, and unmanned aerial systems. With its experience in drone warfare, Israel is pitching AI-powered surveillance systems and loitering munitions. The UK is also keen on deepening defence-industrial partnerships.
Why Russia Remains India’s “All-Weather” Friend
India and Russia’s defence ties date back to the Cold War, when the U.S. and the UK supported Pakistan. Even though India closer to the Soviet Union. Over 70% of India’s current military hardware has Russian origins, including Sukhoi-30MKI jets, T-90 and T-72 tanks, S-400 missile defence systems, and nuclear submarines.
Unlike Western partners, Russia has historically shared technology and allowed licensed production, such as:
- The BrahMos supersonic missile, a co-developed project that became a global success.
- The INS Vikramaditya aircraft carrier, upgraded from a Soviet-era warship.
- The Sukhoi-30MKI fighter, modified specifically for Indian requirements.
The post-Ukraine war sanctions have affected Russia’s arms exports. It still remains a reliable partner for India in ways that Western nations still struggle to match.
Who Aligns Best with India’s Defence Needs?
Erstwhile British Prime Minister, Lord Palmerston had famously remarked, “There are no permanent enemies, and no permanent friends, only permanent interests.” It holds true still, especially with the current geopolitical scenario. India knows its position amid the West’s growing urge to counter Chinese influence. India is too looking at it in the same light.
India’s military modernisation is about more than just buying new platforms. It is about ensuring self-reliance, strategic autonomy, and long-term security with two dangerous neighbours to its borders.
- Russia offers full-scale collaboration, including technology transfer and joint production, making it ideal for India’s Make in India ambitions.
- France provides high-end, battle-proven systems with a track record of successful cooperation.
- The U.S. holds the edge in cutting-edge technology. But its high upfront and maintenance costs and reluctance to share critical technologies remain obstacles.
The Strategic and Geopolitical Implications
India’s choices in defence acquisitions go beyond the choice of a hardware. They carry significant geopolitical consequences. India’s choices would also be declaring a statement.
- A closer Russia-India military partnership could strain India’s ties with the U.S. and Europe. Amid Ukraine conflict, Western nations have put up a lot of sanctions on Moscow. This though did not deter India from acquiring the S-400 systems from its traditional partner; even if sanctions were effective on Turkey.
- Relying too much on the U.S. would limit India’s strategic flexibility, as seen with past CAATSA sanctions threats over the S-400 deal.
- France and Israel offer middle-ground partnerships, providing key technologies while avoiding major political baggage.
Ultimately, India will have to balance these partnerships to maintain its non-aligned stance. India has to ensure that no single nation dominates its defence supply chain.
The Long Game Is Indigenous Production
Gone are the days when India’s defence modernisation drive focused on acquiring best affordable deal available. It is now pursuing the global best while also developing the capability to build them independently tomorrow.
While Russia is making a strong bid to remain India’s go-to defence partner, the real test lies in whether India can break the cycle of dependence on foreign arms. With India’s clarion call for ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ it will emerge as a global defence manufacturer in its own right.
Whether it is the Su-57, Rafale, or F-35, the ultimate victory will belong to the Tejas Mark 2, AMCA, and the future Indian-designed tanks, drones, and aircraft that define India’s defence future. This ambitious dream though must come with a voice of caution. The delays in AMCA have prompted experts and even the Air Force Chief to deem it impractical. Whether it is jokingly suggesting skipping to 6th gen fighter development or frustratingly expressing the patience wearing thin.
Indian officials have stated that Hindustan Aeronautics could deliver up to 24 aircraft powered by a General Electric engine in the upcoming fiscal year, starting in April.
The company was unable to deliver any of the 83 ordered fighters in the current fiscal year. It was partly due to delays in engine shipments from GE, which has been grappling with supply chain disruptions. This again raises the question of self reliance in engine development too.
Air Chief Marshal AP Singh has emphasised the need to involve the private sector to accelerate defence aerospace manufacturing. Speaking at an event in New Delhi last week, he stressed that India must add 35-40 fighter jets annually. If it fails to do so, it will fail in addressing existing shortfalls and replace ageing aircraft. A defence committee has also recommended integrating the private sector into military aircraft production to strengthen the Indian Air Force’s capabilities.
In this high-stakes arms race, the question isn’t just who India will buy from next—but how soon it can stop buying altogether.
