In 2015, the political climate in Canada was shifting. People were looking a way out of the status quo and searching for leadership that could promise a fresh perspective. A new face in the Liberal Party, entered the fray with an ambitious campaign focused on “Real Change.” Justin Trudeau, the son of former Canadian Prime Minister, Pierre Trudeau hit the jackpot when his message resonated with voters who wanted progress on climate action, gender issues, and economic fairness.
Trudeau led the Liberals to a surprising victory, moving the party from third place to a majority government—a dramatic comeback. Shortly after taking office, he made a bold move: announcing a gender-balanced cabinet, something unprecedented in Canada’s history.
When asked why he prioritized gender equality in his government, Trudeau responded simply, “Because it’s 2015.” The statement was short but struck a chord, spreading rapidly across social media and news outlets. This moment marked Trudeau’s rise not just as a political figure, but as someone willing to challenge convention. Less than a decade later, the erstwhile popular PM was ousted in an ugly manner. However, it was long due.
By the time Trudeau stepped down as Canada’s prime minister, he was no longer a widely popular leader. His resignation elicited little regret from his own country. But there is another section in the world, who do not have any particular direct relation to Canada or any interest in the functioning of the government there; and yet, Indians have called good riddance on the ouster of Trudeau.
In short, Trudeau strained relations with the Indian government due to his administration’s leniency toward the Khalistani issue, a matter that holds significant sensitivity in India. In Punjab today, the majority of people have no desire for separatism, recognizing the complex geopolitical and religious challenges such a move would entail, particularly concerning neighboring Pakistan, other Islamic nations, China, and certain external influences.
The Khalistani movement, historically associated with funding and support from Pakistan’s ISI, is viewed in India as not only divisive but also as a direct threat to its sovereignty. From India’s perspective, any foreign leader or administration appearing to support or tolerate a movement linked to an adversarial entity undermines mutual respect and cooperation. Analogously, it would be inconceivable for a country to support a terrorist group targeting nations like the US, UK, or Israel, and then expect warm diplomatic relations.
Historically, Canada has enjoyed positive and warm ties with India. Successive Indian governments, including the administration of current Prime Minister Narendra Modi, have extended generous receptions and forged numerous agreements, including trade in Canadian goods and nuclear materials. However, the goodwill built over decades has been significantly eroded due to the actions and policies of the Trudeau government.
Despite this, Canadian tourists and businesses continue to receive a warm welcome in India, reflecting the longstanding people-to-people ties that remain unaffected by diplomatic tensions. However, the same is not reflected in Indian perception of Trudeau. It goes beyond his Bollywood tour shenanigans. It comes to the sovereignty of India.
Indians can tolerate anything but any sort of threat to its sovereignty. Indians have a history of turning against the most powerful world leaders (when Henry Kissinger referred to erstwhile Indian PM Indira Gandhi as a b**ch or when the then US President labelled India as a threat to global peace after Pokharan 1998) if it came as anything daunting to India’s security and sovereignty.
In 2018, during Trudeau’s visit to India as a Canadian Head of State, he made it a point to turn it into a political visit with efforts to appeal to Khalistani supporters who were seen as key backers of his government in Canada. He even mocked India by including individuals in his delegation who have been openly hostile to the host country.
It was obvious that India and Indians hated his guts, but he wasn’t here for Indians any way, he was here for Canadian Khalistanis.
“Prime Minister Trudeau’s hostility to India has long been in evidence. In 2018, his visit to India, which was aimed at currying favour with a vote bank, rebounded to his discomfort. His Cabinet has included individuals who have openly associated with an extremist and separatist agenda regarding India. His naked interference in Indian internal politics in December 2020 showed how far he was willing to go in this regard,” said the Ministry of External Affairs in a statement.
Justin Trudeau’s coziness with Khalistan sympathisers in his country is neither a one-off streak, nor a casual vote bank politics but a pure case of sheltering of criminals in the country. He only appears to be following in the footsteps of his father, Pierre Trudeau, who declined to extradite individuals accused in the 1985 Kanishka bombing case.
In June 1985, Air India Flight 182 was bombed by Khalistani terrorists, killing 329 people, mostly Indian-origin Canadians. Despite having critical intelligence about the threat, the Canadian government failed to act, according a report published in The Washington Post. Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) had information on the risk but withdrew an infiltrated agent days before the bombing. An investigation later revealed a lack of coordination between CSIS and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), weakening Canada’s security response and allowing the attack to occur.
What was even more disheartening for India was that the mastermind of the attack, Talwinder Singh Parmar, had come to Canada in 1984; and after the bombing, the Canadian government did not cooperate as Pierre Trudeau refused to extradite him to India on the specious plea that India, though a member of the Commonwealth, did not recognise the sovereignty of the Queen who was Canada’s sovereign.
Parmar was the founder, leader, and Jathedar of Babbar Khalsa International (BKI), better known as Babbar Khalsa, a Sikh militant group involved in the Khalistan movement.
This is why, Indians also see Justin Trudeau as the descendant of this same man, who also emboldened anti-India forces. In fact, him currying the favour of Khalistanis now, is also because he received an overwhelming support from the Khalistani sympathisers and even extremist organisations in 2015 elections, possibly as a payback to the support from his father.
Trudeau attended a radical “Khalsa Day” parade in Toronto, in April 2017, marking as a breaking point for India-Canada relationship over this issue. The parade celebrated Sikh militant leaders and included a politician who had accused India of “genocide” during the 1984 Anti-Sikh riots. India expressed concerns through the Ministry of External Affairs, highlighting the problematic nature of Trudeau’s participation, which contrasted with former Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s avoidance of such events. Former Ambassador Vishnu Prakash noted that Trudeau was aware of India’s serious concerns, raised at the highest diplomatic levels.
Not to mention Trudeau’s accusations against India on killing of a Khalistani on Canadian soil. It could or could not be true, but the way he approached this issue, without any proofs or diplomatic protocols, it was just another straw in the deteriorating relationship between the two nations.
Trudeau either failed to understand or simply disregarded the sensitivity of India when it comes to threats to our territorial and internal integrity. Indians have already endured the division of the country in three parts, marred by brutal bloodbath. India has endured the violent secessionist Khalistan movement in the 1980s, marked by murders and terrorism, and it will never forget that painful chapter. This is why, Indians cannot forgive those who support overseas Khalistanis seeking to revive this movement, especially those who have been doing it as a part of hereditary.
